Career Development International

Plodders, pragmatists, visionaries and opportunists: career patterns and employability

Marilyn Clarke

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Article information: To cite this document: Marilyn Clarke, (2009),"Plodders, pragmatists, visionaries and opportunists: career patterns and employability", Career Development International, Vol. 14 Iss 1 pp. 8 - 28 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13620430910933556 Downloaded on: 05 February 2015, At: 11:00 (PT) References: this document contains references to 79 other documents. To copy this document: permissions@emeraldinsight.com The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 2779 times since 2009*

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Marilyn Clarke, (2008),"Understanding and managing employability in changing career contexts", Journal of European Industrial Training, Vol. 32 Iss 4 pp. 258-284 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090590810871379 Marilyn Clarke, Margaret Patrickson, (2008),"The new covenant of employability", Employee Relations, Vol. 30 Iss 2 pp. 121-141 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425450810843320 Jon P. Briscoe, Lisa M. Finkelstein, (2009),"The new career and organizational commitment: Do boundaryless and protean attitudes make a difference?", Career Development International, Vol. 14 Iss 3 pp. 242-260 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13620430910966424

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Plodders, pragmatists, visionaries and opportunists: career patterns and employability

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8 Received 13 April 2008 Revised 8 July 2008 Accepted 28 September 2008

Marilyn Clarke Business School, The University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia Abstract Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore individual approaches to career and employability through the career stories of a group of mid-level to senior managers in career transition. Career patterns are identified and then compared with traditional, boundaryless and protean models of career. The study aims to consider the extent to which individuals in this group had adopted behaviours supportive of future employability as opposed to behaviours more in line with traditional careers. Design/methodology/approach The research adopted an interpretive and qualitative approach. In-depth interviews were conducted with people currently going through a career transition program. The interviews were recorded and then transcribed, coded and analysed using NVivo, a qualitative research software tool. Findings Career patterns appeared to be shifting away from traditional careers and more towards protean and boundaryless models. There was evidence of increased responsibility for career self-management and of behaviours supportive of ongoing employability. Self-perceived employability could be linked to degree of job mobility and having a future career orientation. Research limitations/implications Despite the small sample size and the subjective nature of self-reported career histories the study provides insights into the relationship between career patterns and employability. Both organisations and individuals need to work towards developing attitudes and behaviours supportive of employability such as flexibility, adaptability and a future career orientation. Practical implications Individual level career management will need to focus more on the development of attitudes and behaviours appropriate to contemporary employment relationships than on the development of formal career plans. At an organizational level support can be provided by encouraging flexibility through activities such as job rotation, short-term projects and opportunities for both internal and external networking. Originality/value The study provides empirical evidence of how careers are being managed within contemporary employment relationships. Keywords Careers, Career development, Employment Paper type Research paper

Career Development International

Vol. 14 No. 1, 2009 pp. 8-28 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430910933556

Introduction Perspectives on careers have changed. The traditional organisational career, once seen as the norm, is now regarded by many as more relevant to the last century (Inkson and Arthur, 2001; Baruch, 2004a; Kuijpers and Scheerens, 2006). Models, such as the boundaryless career (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996), protean career (Hall, 1996b), portfolio career (Handy, 1994), post-corporate career (Peiperl and Baruch, 1997) and intelligent career (DeFillippi and Arthur, 1994) have been presented as models for a future in which careers are more likely to be characterised by flexible employment contracts, multiple employers, lateral job moves and multiple career changes. An underlying theme of these models is that, increasingly, an individuals job security

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will be anchored not in a particular organisation but in their own portable skills and employability (Mallon, 1998, p. 363). Thus individuals are encouraged to embrace career self-management (Clarke and Patrickson, 2008; Sturges et al., 2008) and to see measures of career success in terms of psychological success at an individual level, (for example personal accomplishment or feelings of pride and achievement) rather than more objective measures such as progression through the organisation hierarchy with its associated status markers (Hall, 1996a; Arthur et al., 2005). Over the last decade two models have dominated thinking and research within the careers literature; the protean career (Hall, 1996b; Mirvis and Hall, 1996; Baruch, 2004b; Briscoe et al., 2006) and the boundaryless career (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996; Briscoe and Hall, 2006; Sullivan and Arthur, 2006). Both models link career success to a flexible and adaptive approach to career in which the emphasis is on maintaining employability through inter-organisational moves, life-long learning, a transactional psychological contract and career self-management (Inkson, 2006). While the idea of protean or boundaryless careers is appealing in terms of matching the career needs of individuals with the workforce needs of organisations, it is still unclear to what extent individuals are adapting to contemporary employment relationships or how they are managing careers for future employability. The aim of this article is to explore individual approaches to career and employability by reflecting on the career stories of a group of mid-level to senior managers in career transition. The study considers the extent to which individuals in this group had adopted behaviours supportive of future employability, such as lifelong learning, flexibility, and career planning, as opposed to behaviours more in line with traditional careers, such as a short-term focus on current job requirements and the development of organisation or industry specific skills. Different career patterns are identified through individual career stories and then compared with traditional, boundaryless and protean models of career. Careers old and new An early definition of career describes it as a succession of related jobs, arranged in a hierarchy of prestige, through which persons move in an ordered, predictable sequence (Wilensky, 1960, p. 554). The traditional career was seen as taking place within the confines of organisational boundaries (Hind, 2005). Metaphors for career progression included terms such as climbing the ladder, working your way through the ranks or moving up the hierarchy; career success was evidenced by increasing status, responsibility and monetary rewards (McDonald et al., 2005). The psychological contract underpinning the employment relationship was premised on a reciprocal relationship characterised by commitment, loyalty and trust (Morrison and Robinson, 1997). Individuals who offered hard work and loyalty could anticipate that they would be rewarded with an organisationally managed career which included training, development, promotion and long-term job security (Baruch and Hind, 1999; Baruch, 2003). The question currently under debate is whether or not the traditional career still exists, and if so, to what extent? Some contend that the traditional career is alive and well, and that organisational careers are still a preferred option for those who are seeking stability and structure (Guest and McKenzie-Davey, 1996; Collin, 1998; Jacoby, 1999; Ackah and Heaton, 2004). They argue that careers are undergoing certain shifts and transitions (Baruch, 2006, p. 127) rather than a complete restructuring of

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traditional career paths, and that although there is a much greater emphasis on taking personal responsibility for career development traditional career paths are still offered in certain organisations and sectors such as the public sector (McDonald et al., 2005). There is also debate as to whether individuals are wanting careers which offer independence more than employment security (Clarke and Patrickson, 2008), career self-management (Maguire, 2002; Sturges et al., 2002), and the new transactional psychological contract instead of the old relational psychological contract (Baruch, 2006). Regardless of this debate, much of the current careers literature is premised on the belief that traditional careers are giving way to new patterns of career that reflect the uncertain environments in which both organisations and individuals now operate (e.g. Pringle and Mallon, 2003; Arthur et al., 2005; Baruch, 2006). Contemporary careers are more likely to include periods of work and non-work, lateral, spiral and vertical progression, and intra-organisational as well as inter-organisational career shifts. As a consequence individuals can no longer rely on the organisation for career management, or anticipate life-time employment in the one job, the one organisation or the one industry. Essentially, the concept of job security has been replaced by the concept of employability (Baruch, 2004a). Thijssen et al. (2008, p. 167) define employability very broadly as the possibility to survive in the internal or external labor market but what this means in practice remains a contentious issue. For example, employability can be seen as a psycho-social construct embodying individual characteristics that facilitate adaptive behaviours necessary to remain employable (Fugate et al., 2004, p. 16). It can also be seen in terms of labour market context, either internal or external (Forrier and Sels, 2003), or as an employment outcome in which possessing and demonstrating employability related characteristics leads to actual employment (Hillage and Pollard, 1998). Berntson et al. (2006, p. 9) see employability as an individual perception which reflects the perceived possibility of acquiring (new) employment whereas McQuaid (2006) suggests that employability is highly dependent on personal circumstances and an individuals capacity for job flexibility and mobility. van Dam (2004) stresses the importance of employability orientation, or an employees response to organisational interventions designed to maintain individual employability and organisational flexibility. In a similar vein, van der Heijden and Thijssen (2003) link employability with HRD interventions designed to promote and maintain skill development, flexibility and adaptability to change. How employability should be managed has also engendered debate. Ideally employability should be a joint responsibility between employer and employee with organisations offering a range of developmental activities and processes designed to prepare employees for their next job (Waterman et al., 1994; Benson, 2003; ODonoghue and Maguire, 2005). However, to a large extent it would seem that responsibility for employability has now been transferred from the organisation to the employee (Van Buren, 2003; McQuaid and Lindsay, 2005). Fugate et al. (2004, p. 15) claim that, rather than a joint responsibility, the onus is on employees to acquire knowledge, skills and abilities, and other characteristics (KSAOs) valued by current and prospective employers in order to maintain employability in both current and future employment contexts. Against this background career models, such as the protean and boundaryless career, provide new ways of defining career and new approaches to career management.

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The protean career

Hall and colleagues (Hall, 1996a, 1996b; Hall and Mirvis, 1996; Hall and Moss, 1998) proposed the protean career as a viable and attractive alternative to the traditional career. Named after the Greek god Proteus, the protean career is one in which individuals are willing and able to rapidly reshape and reform themselves in response to changing environmental circumstances (Inkson, 2006). While the traditional career takes place within organisational boundaries, the protean career is enacted across multiple organisations. It is characterised by a values-driven attitude (individual values rather than organisational values), and a self-directed attitude towards career management (Briscoe et al., 2006, p. 31). The person who adopts a protean orientation towards career will welcome the chance to explore new possibilities and will seek psychological success through lateral or spiral career moves. He or she will continually seek opportunities to learn new things and will see career as a series of learning cycles (Hall and Mirvis, 1996). Two meta-competencies have been identified as underpinning a successful protean career; adaptability and identity (or self-awareness) (Hall, 2004, p. 6). Hall (2004) argues that a true protean careerist will develop both of these meta-competencies which facilitate self-evaluation followed by adaptive responses. This adaptability helps the individual to survive and prosper within turbulent environments while still maintaining personal values. The boundaryless career According to Arthur and Rousseau (1996, p. 6), the boundaryless career is characterised by independence from, rather than dependence on, traditional organisational career arrangements. In pursuing a boundaryless career the focus shifts from climbing the corporate ladder to a career that is enacted via a series of lateral, vertical and spiral moves (Currie et al., 2006). These moves provide opportunities for learning and development thus increasing the likelihood that skills and work experiences will remain current and marketable and that the individuals employability will be enhanced. As with the protean career, the boundaryless career requires the capacity for flexibility, adaptability and self-assessment in order to successfully navigate career transitions. The locus of responsibility is transferred from the organisation to the career actor (Arthur, 1994, p. 304). The boundaryless career has been described as one in which the individual moves from job to job, or from organisation to organisation thus transcending physical boundaries (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996; DeFillippi and Arthur, 1996; Gunz et al., 2000). More recently there has also been an increased focus on boundarylessness in terms of both physical mobility, or actual movement between jobs, firms, occupations and countries and psychological mobility, or the capacity to move as seen through the mind of the career actor (Sullivan and Arthur, 2006, p. 21). Psychological boundarylessness may manifest itself as the belief that it would be relatively easy to move across organisations, or that extra-organisational networks have created working relationships that support current or future employment. Incorporation of psychological boundarylessness takes into account the fact that a person could embrace a boundaryless mindset, yet rely on one organisation to develop and foster his or her career (Briscoe et al., 2006, p. 32). That is, physically individuals may remain within a single organisation but perceive their career to be boundaryless if there are many career opportunities yet to be explored, or if the organisation has encouraged

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horizontal career moves as well as vertical moves, or if the individual is supported by

strong internal and external networks. Method The research used a qualitative methodology. This approach, in which data was gathered through semi-structured interviews, was considered the best means of exploring career histories while encouraging individual voice in the sense-making process (Weick, 1995). Interviews have been shown to be an effective tool in researching careers, providing a rich source of data as individuals reflect on career choices and decisions, and the implications and outcomes of those choices (Arthur et al., 1999; Cohen and Mallon, 2001; Sullivan and Mainiero, 2007). In this study personal career histories offered insights from which to inductively generate new ideas about how individuals view their careers and employability as well as comparing actual careers with theoretical models (Sekaran, 2000). The study was conducted in a private outplacement firm located in a large Australian city. The organisation specialised in the outplacement of mid-level to senior managers whose redundancy package had included between three and six months of outplacement support. By targeting clients from this organisation the study provided an opportunity to explore careers at a critical point, that is, during a period of career transition (Hall and Chandler, 2005). Arnold (1997, p. 594) suggests that transitions expose the fragility of subjective careers, thus forcing people to rethink their career stories, to re-evaluate their career success and to re-assess their current employability. It was anticipated that people in mid-level to senior management would have interesting stories to tell about their work history and the way in which their careers had evolved over time, particularly given that managerial careers have been significantly affected by the loss of traditional hierarchical career paths and by the shift in responsibility for career from the organisation to the individual (Adamson et al., 1998). The researcher was also interested to know how managers, who are normally expected to provide career support and direction to their subordinates, had managed their own careers within a rapidly changing career context. Various sampling techniques were used to identify a suitable group of people beginning with a relatively passive approach. Initially an information brochure was placed at the reception desk in the hope that clients would volunteer to participate in an interview, however, this resulted in very low response rates so after several weeks reception staff were asked if they would approach clients directly when they came for their weekly consultants meeting. At this point the sampling became more purposeful in an attempt to find an adequate number of people to interview as well as ensuring a relatively balanced sample in terms of age, gender, organisation type, professional background and level of seniority (Neuman, 2006). Although this raises the issue of bias, particularly in terms of the organisation perhaps selecting participants with a more positive outlook on the outplacement process, purposeful sampling is regarded as appropriate to qualitative research in which the aim is to identify information-rich cases for study in depth (Patton, 1990, p. 169). In this instance the resultant sample included people from a diverse range of backgrounds with varied employment experiences and at different stages in their careers but all in the process of career transition. The sample group comprised seven women and thirteen men aged between 30 and 60 years of age. Previous employment had been across a range of industries including banking and finance, pharmaceutical goods, or service industries, and in

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both public and private sectors. Their redundancy had resulted from mergers, restructuring or completion of fixed term contracts. Interviews commenced with a sample of ten people. The interviews, which lasted between 60 and 90 minutes, were conducted in a meeting room provided by the outplacement firm. Using a semi-structured interview guide they began with a discussion of career history to date and then explored how careers had been managed, perceptions of how careers had changed over time, perceptions of what it means to be employable and how individuals rated their current employability. The interviews were digitally recorded and then transcribed into Microsoft Word to allow for a preliminary analysis of the data. This analysis involved reading through the transcripts to gain an overall feel for the data followed by coding of responses according to topics that reflected the primary focus of the research, that is, the extent to which individuals had adopted behaviours supportive of career self-management and future employability as opposed to behaviours more in line with traditional careers. Coding and analysis of the data was facilitated by the use of NVivo (QSR, 1997), a software program in which data is coded and indexed by emergent themes and key words under coding nodes. This type of software is particularly useful where large amounts of qualitative data have been collected. Once the data has been coded it is a relatively simple process to cross reference themes and explore patterns in the transcripts by analysing node data or comparing data in different nodes (Richards, 2005). For example, by coding key words or phrases in relation to career management, (such as networking, career planning, career development), as well as phrases describing career stories and career decisions at critical points in time, categories and combinations of categories began to emerge from the data. At this stage some patterns were evident but it was felt that a larger sample would provide a more detailed picture and thus facilitate more useful research findings. Purposeful sampling was again used to identify another ten people to be interviewed. After twenty interviews it appeared that no new themes were emerging and thus the researcher decided that it was not necessary to recruit further participants. This data was then transcribed and coded. Although all the coding was undertaken by the researcher each transcript was coded twice to check for reliability and consistency and to ensure that no significant issues had been overlooked in the initial coding (Richards, 2005). Research findings Four distinct career patterns emerged from the data; the traditional individual career, the traditional organisational career, the boundaryless career and the protean career. These patterns reflected the extent to which individuals had adopted behaviours associated with career self-management and employability (King, 2004; Rothwell and Arnold, 2007). Career self-management was measured in terms of career planning, or the setting of clearly defined career goals and plans (Sturges et al., 2002; Briscoe and Hall, 2006; Barnett and Bradley, 2007); job mobility, was assessed as the individuals willingness, capacity and flexibility to move across jobs and organisations (Kossek et al., 1998; Briscoe et al., 2006; Kuijpers and Scheerens, 2006; Feldman and Ng, 2007); and career orientation, as either an internal focus (current job, current organisation) or an external, future career focus (Sturges et al., 2008; van Veldhoven and Dorenbosch, 2008). In the following section these career patterns are demonstrated through the work histories of individuals who typified these key behaviours (see Table I).

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Plodders The four plodders had pursued a traditional career in which they had anticipated job security as long as they worked hard and remained loyal to the company. There was little indication that their careers had been planned or that they had considered where each step would lead in the future. Their focus was very much on short-term individual outcomes. Personal development was linked to their profession or their current position. Alison (early 50s)[1] completed an undergraduate degree and then worked in industry for two years before being asked back to the university as a tutor. For 11 years she worked in both academic and administrative roles until she was replaced in her teaching role by a postgraduate student: I think I paid far too much attention to my job rather than the political environment and I failed to complete a PhD. So when a PhD student came along and needed a job, even though they didnt have any experience in a particular area they were given that position.

Dissatisfied with her ongoing administrative position she began to look around for a new job. Through industry contacts she was offered a job in an organisation in the food industry where she remained for the next 16 years. Over this period she was active in her professional association which offered training in areas such as presentation skills, time management and performance coaching. She had also undertaken a large number of industry related training courses to ensure that she remained up to date with her industry. She believed that she had made significant contributions to the day-to-day operations as well as the future directions of the organisation, however, when advised that she was to be made redundant it had not been a surprise: For me that was pretty much the writing on the wall. Jobs in my area are very few and far between so I suspected that if an opportunity came around I would be made redundant.

In addition, she recognised that she lacked political savvy and the capacity to influence managers at a higher level. While colleagues networked and actively participated in politics she had remained focused on her immediate job which she felt had caused her to be overlooked for promotion. She had also failed to re-direct her career despite the fact that her long-term prospects were becoming increasingly limited. In the last sixteen years she had applied for two jobs but had been unsuccessful for one and had withdrawn from the other because her husband did not want to leave his job and relocate overseas. Adam (mid-30s) had joined the public sector after completing an Honours degree. For the next 11 years he had worked across various government departments in project based work. To a large extent his public sector career had evolved as a result of the government policies of the day. That is, on several occasions policy changes had led to the closure or downgrading of projects or functions in which he had been involved thus

Table I. Career patterns and employability

Career self-management Job mobility Career orientation Employability (self-perceived)

Plodders

Pragmatists

Visionaries

Opportunists

Unplanned Stable Present Low

Semi-planned Stable Present Low

Planned Flexible Future High

Semi-planned Flexible Future High

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forcing him to look for an alternative position. Over this period he had completed an MBA as well as undertaking various short courses associated with his current project. Following his marriage he had relocated interstate where he found a position as a public policy manager in a private sector organisation. After four months his contract was terminated as a result of interpersonal conflicts with his manager. As he reflected on his career he noted the lack of planning and his failure to think about how todays decisions might affect tomorrows career options: I think one of my greatest criticisms of my own career is that it probably wasnt as well managed as I should have made it. I think that there was probably a point a few years ago I could have gone down one path and I chose not to. . .and it was just because I was saying, oh look, Im bored with this place, theres an opportunity, lets go there, and I didnt necessarily think where that step might take me in the next five years.

Having moved out of the public sector he now realised that he had failed to develop the type and level of skills that would make him attractive to a private sector employer: The general nature of my history doesnt necessarily lend itself to the more specific skill sets that are in demand by employers who are employing at a level that I might like to enter the private workforce at.

In particular, he lacked managerial experience which he now realised was expected for the salary level that he was seeking. He also realised that he had not developed good networks and so was struggling to know where to look for a job and how to tap into the hidden employment market. Throughout the interview he continually reflected on the way in which his career had evolved with comments such as: I think that my CV, well I could have been more thoughtful about the development of my career up till now.

Pragmatists The four pragmatists had actively pursued traditional careers within an organisational framework because they believed the organisation could offer security and stability as well as variety and professional development. Career decisions had been made in the light of opportunities within the organisation, which had allowed for both horizontal and vertical career moves. Lee (late 40s) had worked in a bank for almost thirty years before being made redundant. He had progressed through a very structured organisational career: Im an organisation type of person I suppose. I left school in 1977 at the end of year eleven. I went out proactively by myself, managed to get a job with the bank and that was it for the next 2912 years.

He had gained experience in all aspects of banking, gradually moving up through the organisational hierarchy to managerial positions. He had never undertaken any formal tertiary education but had regularly participated in company sponsored training and development programs. When reflecting on how careers had changed over his working life he noted that in the early days the bank had looked after individual career development through training, mentoring and internal promotions. His personal career strategy had involved:

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. . . waiting until some opportunity arose and then you moved into that position by demonstrating how good you were in your current position.

However, over time he had realised that by adopting a more proactive approach to career management he could engineer his next career move. For example, at one point he had used his networking skills to move from an administrative position to a quasi-legal role, a role which he found very challenging and rewarding. The range of opportunities available in such a large organisation had enabled him to pursue a varied and interesting career until downsizing and restructuring had begun to limit future options. His decision to accept redundancy had been based primarily on the fact that in order to remain with the bank he would have had to accept a position at a lower level and lower salary than his current job. John (early 50s) joined an insurance company after completing an undergraduate degree. He had expected to remain with the organisation until he retired but after thirty-two years he had been made redundant. Although he had only worked for one employer, his career had included a wide variety of positions in both Australia and New Zealand, each job lasting no more than three to four years. Shortages in his profession meant that he had been well looked after. His career had evolved within a secure and comfortable organisational environment: There was always work; I never had to apply for any of the roles when I was asked to do something else. They looked after me well. It was quite easy, if you did a good job there wasnt any hassle.

He had regularly participated in organisationally sponsored training and development

workshops. He had been actively involved in his professional association to ensure that he kept up-to-date with market changes. He had also completed postgraduate qualifications in Management and Marketing. Over the years he had sometimes considered moving to another organisation but had always decided that he was better off where he was: Occasionally something would sound interesting, youd go off to an interview, but nothing ever appealed enough for me to leave.

In hindsight he realised that perspectives on careers had changed in recent years:

Nowadays theres far more talk about your career being your overall career but not necessarily in the same company. So you might go elsewhere to get experience and so on but (for me) as long as you had experience with (the company) on your CV it was fine.

Both Lee and John recognised that even though their careers had been interesting and varied, their lack of mobility would be seen as a negative by potential employers thus hampering future employability. Visionaries Three people described their career to date as something that had been carefully planned and executed. There had been a conscious attempt to make career choices that would build a long-term career trajectory rather than making short-term job choices. They had been willing to change jobs within or across organisations and to physically relocate to take up a new and challenging career opportunity. Mike, (aged in his early 50s), had completed a business degree before moving into accounting and finance roles in industry. He remained in these roles for the first ten

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years of his career but with a clear goal of branching out into general management when he had gained sufficient experience. The next twenty years were spent in management roles of ever increasing complexity in large international companies where he eventually attained a general manager position. Although he had only worked for four different companies he had changed roles or organisations every three to four years or when he felt bored with his current role. He had built up extensive networks and gained experience on company boards. He had updated qualifications through regular management development programs and was currently completing an MBA. He described his approach to career in the following terms: It was important for me that the roles that I had, they were progressive in terms of adding both depth and breadth of general management experience. And there were some roles that I declined because I thought they were going the wrong way. Ive always taken a lot of pride in my career and taken a lot of pride in thinking about, well, whats the next step in my career.

At this point in his career he had opted for redundancy rather than take on a new contract with his previous organisation believing that he needed to make the transition to his last big role before age became a barrier. Having achieved many of his career goals he was now looking for a new challenge that would allow him to combine his interests in community development and professional development: What Im looking for now is something different to what Ive done before. I mean, I just dont want to go back and do pretty much the same stuff that Ive done before with a different employer. I just want to do something a bit different.

Alistair (aged in his early 40s) had also worked for four organisations. After leaving school he had held finance and accounting roles in the banking industry before shifting to multinational companies in the manufacturing, pharmaceuticals and snack foods industries. He had completed a business degree and professional accounting qualifications part-time while working full-time. He had worked in organisations across Australia and the USA, his most recent position with a multinational company in the USA. For family and lifestyle reasons he had now decided to return to Australia. Reflecting on his career he noted that in all the multinational companies in which he had been involved there had been a strong emphasis on individual responsibility for careers: I found that in multinationals they will provide training programs. When they say its your responsibility, its like you really own your own career, well do it together, theres programs in place and theres performance appraisals, career discussions but its your responsibility to own it and help find which way you want to go.

Alistair recognised that ongoing employability was dependent on maintaining his

brand: It was always made quite clear that the career development is up to you and the only way you earn the right to succeed again comes back to being a brand and to deliver the goods.

He had made clear career choices in order to prepare for future roles and future activities and to retain control over his own career. His most recent employer had offered him a position in Asia which he had rejected because he did not believe that it would take him down the path that he wanted to go.

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Opportunists Opportunists comprised the dominant group in this study. The nine people who could be categorised in this way displayed a protean approach to career. Their interviews were frequently punctuated by the words opportunity and change. They had pursued varied career paths within a range of jobs and organisations, seeing each move as a chance to learn new things and gain different experiences. After leaving school Tom (mid 50s) had enrolled in a commerce diploma which gave him entry into the accounting profession:

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I started basically as a clerk and built up my skills through moving around with companies and also at times moving between companies.

His career had been extremely diverse. Over a thirty-six year period he had worked for nine different companies in a range of industries that included construction, manufacturing and banking. He had held positions in accounting, finance, consulting, and project management. He had worked in Australia, Asia and across the South Pacific. In describing his career he commented: My career, its been a bit chameleon like; Ive re- invented myself a couple of times.

He regarded himself as a product whose skills would be marketable as long as he had

something of value to offer an employer. To remain marketable he had sought to continually take on new challenges, to update his expertise and to adopt a flexible attitude. He had upgraded his qualifications (including completing an MBA) as well as undertaking in-house training and development programs. In terms of career planning he had consciously looked for ways to expand his skills portfolio by learning about one area or industry and then moving on to another: I worked for a mix of companies, spent quite a bit of time, about five or six years in the construction industry and then right, I know that industry, Ive got to learn other thing. So I got into manufacturing to understand the manufacturing industry from an accounting point of view and also the importing etcetera attached with that.

He noted that while some potential employers regarded his employment history as unstable others recognised that he had built up broad knowledge and expertise in divergent industries. His general approach to career had been one of change which he summarised as, by changing you keep flexible. Sarah (late 30s) began her working life in her final year of school. Her three part-time jobs included her own small window cleaning business which had helped fund her university studies. Having completed a commerce and marketing degree she joined a large bank in their graduate program. Her decision to take this path was based on the fact that at that stage she was unsure which direction to go with her career: I think the main reason for doing the graduate program is I just didnt really know what I wanted to do, I had no sense of working in a commercial environment, I had no sense of what area of marketing I wanted to focus on.

She saw the graduate program as providing the opportunity to gain experience in many areas within the organisation and hopefully enable her to discover her strengths and main interests. On completion of the graduate program she moved into the area responsible for organisational change, working on projects that included changing business processes and changing organisational culture. At this point she realised that

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many of the changes within the bank were being driven by technology but that she had lacked knowledge or experience in this area. To overcome this deficit she asked to stay with one particular project which involved the implementation of technology through user interface design so that she could strengthen her expertise and gain a broader understanding of the relationship between people and technology. After seven years with the bank her next career move was again driven by the realisation that she lacked knowledge of the operational side of technology and what that fundamentally meant to business on a day-to-day basis. Her new job provided broad exposure to a range of operational functions as she moved from business analyst, to project manager to business change manager. However, after another seven years an organisational restructure led to her position becoming redundant. Following a short holiday she had recently begun working three days a week as a consultant while preparing to move to Canada where her partner had moved with his job. Samantha described her career as unplanned, yet she had constantly sought to make the most of opportunities to learn new things, to gain further experiences and develop new skills. Her move to Canada was another opportunity to do something she had never done before: Ive never had that, I never worked overseas, never had that sort of different perspective on things, and it just seemed like an appropriate time to do it, because I dont really have any commitments and Im really looking at well, how can my life be quite different.

Discussion Given that organisations are operating in increasingly unstable environments, to what extent have individuals responded to these changes by becoming more proactive with regard to career management and employability? In this study results were mixed. There was some evidence that at an individual level people had responded to changing career contexts and had recognised the need to be self-aware and adaptable, to plan, and to take control of their own careers. Yet, it was also clear that the traditional, organisationally bounded career was alive and well. Both the plodders and the pragmatists had continued to pursue traditional careers despite signs that this style of career was becoming less secure and less viable. Both groups believed that traditional careers offered valid career pathways, varied job opportunities, personal development and career progression but their approach to career management differed markedly. The plodders had seen their careers from a very narrow, short-term, individual perspective. Their careers were characterised by relative stability even though their work history may have spanned several organisations in different, but related, occupational categories. There was little evidence of planning, networking, or political awareness. Although they had participated in on-going training and development they had tended to focus on the short term or on their current industry and profession rather than looking for developmental opportunities that might prepare them for the future (Baruch, 2004b). Career moves had been forced on them, rather than initiated by them. Their careers had been characterised by limited physical mobility as well as low psychological mobility (Sullivan and Arthur, 2006). Overall, there was little evidence of behaviours supportive of ongoing employability such as adaptability and career identity, or of the creative use of human and social capital (McArdle et al., 2007). Alisons physical mobility had been constrained by her partners preference not to relocate even though an international posting would have greatly enhanced her career

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development. Her psychological mobility had been constrained by the tendency to

focus on her job and her profession rather than exploring wider career options. She now believed that she would eventually find another job but was not confident that it would be at the same level as her previous position or that it would be a full-time, permanent position. On several occasions Adams position on a project team had disappeared as a result of political or policy changes but as new roles had always emerged he had never felt the need to explore jobs outside the public sector. He had enjoyed the comfort zone of the familiar. When he did move to the private sector it had been because his partner had taken a job in another city, not because he was pursuing a career plan. He was now struggling to know what type of job to look for or what type of organisation would best suit his qualifications and experience. On reflection both Alison and Adam realised that their lack of career planning and low level of job mobility now impacted on their future employability in the external labour market. The pragmatists careers had also been enacted in large organisations but they had taken a broader organisational perspective which involved making the best use of opportunities to progress in their organisation. Their careers had been relatively stable but there was evidence of some degree of planning. They had identified closely with their organisation and their industry. They had enjoyed their work and the relationships that they had developed with peers and external stakeholders. Over time they had built up significant expertise which contributed to feelings of satisfaction and achievement. From time-to-time they may have considered moving to another organisation but had chosen to stay because their current employer had offered job security as well as task variety and opportunities for growth, indicating a current rather than future career orientation. Despite their lack of job mobility people in this group described their career in terms that reflected characteristics of boundaryless or protean careers. For example, John had worked for the same organisation for 32 years but in that time he had moved from job to job, department to department and country to country. Although his career may have been physically bounded within a single organisation he spoke about his career history in words more indicative of a psychologically boundaryless career (Sullivan and Arthur, 2006). However, the experience of career transition had made the pragmatists realise that by focusing on an internal organisational career they had failed to maintain their employability in the external labour market and that their options for the future were now quite limited. In keeping with the contemporary careers literature, the visionaries and opportunists had demonstrated flexible and adaptable behaviours towards careers and employability (Baruch, 2004a). There was evidence of responsiveness to environmental changes, of physical and psychological boundarylessness, of reshaping to meet changing environments, and a life-long learning approach to work and career (Hall and Moss, 1998; Arthur et al., 2005). The visionaries had pursued careers that were planned and flexible and which reflected characteristics of the boundaryless career. In some instances their careers