With Russia making incremental territorial gains in Ukraine, Kyiv is urging Tokyo to boost its support in areas such as cybersecurity, demining and counterdrone systems, transforming what started as ad hoc, nonlethal assistance into a long-term security partnership.

“Ukraine has identified several priority areas,” Ukrainian Deputy Defense Minister Serhiy Boev told The Japan Times in an exclusive interview.

These include counterdrone systems that can be integrated with the country’s air-defense network, logistics and maintenance support for nonlethal equipment, as well as surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities to enhance maritime domain awareness, particularly in the Black Sea.

Kyiv would also welcome an expansion of humanitarian demining support, including engineering training and equipment, Boev said, as well as deepened cybersecurity cooperation, including for protecting critical energy infrastructure. He also noted the need for increased support with medical evacuation, rehabilitation and long-term care for wounded Ukrainian soldiers.

“These priorities ... provide a strong foundation for further cooperation,” Boev said as the nearly 4-year-old conflict continues to rage in Europe, with a recent flurry of diplomatic moves so far failing to end Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Some of Kyiv’s requests are already being answered.

Tokyo last week provided a grant of about $27 million for technology and equipment to help Kyiv remove landmines and provide medical support.

Japan has already donated more than $60 million worth of demining equipment to Ukraine, which has become one of the world’s most mine-contaminated countries since the war erupted in February 2022.

Japan has been the leading Asian country in terms of support for the war-torn country, allocating nearly $16 billion, according to the Kiel Institute.

“Japan’s contribution has been strategically significant in three core dimensions,” Boev said.

Ukrainian Deputy Defense Minister Serhiy Boev | Ukrainian Defense Ministry

These include financial assistance such as macrofinancial instruments and engagement in recovery efforts, and political support through Tokyo’s consistent positioning in multilateral platforms and a 10-year bilateral support framework signed in June last year on the sidelines of a Group of Seven summit.

And then there is material support — particularly nonlethal assistance in protective equipment, demining and energy resilience — that Boev says has “helped address critical battlefield and rear-area vulnerabilities.”

This has included Japan’s provision to Ukraine of surveillance drones, bulletproof vests, helmets, vehicles, tents and medical supplies.

Kyiv’s wishlist comes as Tokyo has been gradually easing its arms export controls to not only help boost its defense industry but also indirectly support Ukraine. Further revisions expected as early as April could potentially open the door for deeper military-industrial ties.

“Japan could serve as a strategic platform, combining Ukrainian technologies with Japanese industrial capacity and regional demand — a model that would contribute to strengthening collective security,” Boev said, as Ukraine, which is increasingly viewed as a source of innovative solutions for drones and nonlethal defense systems, looks to the Indo-Pacific as a potential export market.

“Although many discussions remain at a preliminary stage, dialogue with partners in the Indo-Pacific region is underway regarding engineering systems, demining technologies, maritime unmanned platforms and training programs,” he said.

Japan’s high level of support has turned it into one of Ukraine’s most committed and dependable global partners, something that Kyiv wants to continue after the war, especially if Tokyo joins a postwar “coalition of the willing” aimed at helping deter future aggression.

“Japan, given its political weight and advanced technological base, would be a highly meaningful participant in such a (future) framework,” the deputy defense chief said.

Such a coalition would be “flexible by design,” enabling partners to contribute in ways “consistent with their national capabilities and legal frameworks” — whether through financial support, institutional expertise, capacity-building or technical consultation.

“The broader and more capable the group of states committed to supporting Ukraine’s security, the stronger the collective deterrence against renewed aggression,” he said.

Misato Matsuoka, an associate professor at Teikyo University, said Japan can strengthen Ukraine’s long-term resilience by providing comprehensive, nonlethal and advanced technological support and can serve as a leading financial and technical guarantor for postconflict reconstruction.

“By channeling significant, sustained investment and expertise, Japan can ensure the swift rebuilding of vital sectors and secure Ukraine’s enduring economic and societal stability,” Matsuoka said.

According to Boev, another important dimension would be Japan’s participation in multilateral coordination mechanisms, such as the NATO Security Assistance and Training Organization for Ukraine (NSATU) — a Germany-headquartered command launched last summer to coordinate planning and arrange the delivery of security assistance to the war-torn country.

“Japan has already indicated interest in this architecture, which would be a natural next step following the 10-year G7 agreement,” he said.

What Japan actually does militarily in Ukraine, however, will also critically depend on how the U.S. positions itself in this process, said Sebastian Maslow, an international relations expert and associate professor at the University of Tokyo.

“For Tokyo, aligning its efforts within the U.S.-Japan alliance has been the standard procedure,” he said. “NATO and EU security cooperation so far has not yet reached a level where it can replace this standard mechanism for Japan to get involved in international security affairs.”